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4 组织的力量

“谋略论”的致命问题是无法解释为什么共产党棋高一着。为什么高明的将领、专业的间谍、战术多变的军官总是出现在共产党一边——明明国民党能从更广大的地区、更多的军队中选拔人才。于是,“谋略论”走到最后总是变成了“天命论”,用神秘主义和运气来解释解放战争指挥水平的差异,这实际上完全违反了理性原则。所以,随着研究的深入,研究者开始发现更深层次的原因——组织水平。

a 有组织才有战术

军事理论和历史战例对所有人都是开放的。应该尽量绕开敌人的坚固阵地,攻击对方的后勤仓库;应该让部队机动起来,躲避敌人的火力,寻找对方的弱点;应该集中兵力在局部形成兵力优势……这些原则双方的军官都知道。但到底能不能实施,还要看部队自身的能力。

比如说,如果你的军队每天只能走50里,对手的主力能走100里。这时候你就没资格琢磨迂回包抄、花样百出的玩调动了。因为不管你干什么,对手都能在慢一步的情况下从容应对。运动是相对的,你企图绕过敌人的正面,必然意味着把自己的侧翼先暴露给了敌人。显然,在对手比你快一倍的情况下,胡乱运动是作死。所以,运动慢的一方最好还是给自己挂个条幅“义兵不用诈谋奇计”,老老实实地一线平推。

用兵以能聚散为上”。除了迂回,实施任何复杂战术的前提都是分兵。而分兵有效的前提是小部队也有战斗力。分出去的1/10兵力达不到全军战斗力的1/10,这很正常。但如果连全军战斗力的1/100都达不到,那分兵就没啥意义了。

在真实的解放战争中,运动速度慢、小部队缺乏战斗力的一方正是国军。为什么?因为国军的高级军官、中下层军官、和底层士兵的利益不同,思考方式也不同,军阀依靠封建制的管理方式来控制军队。在行军中,士兵缺乏快速行军的动员和激励,军官担心快速行军有逃兵(夜行军尤甚),食物供应也歧视一线单位,再加上各单位的行进难以协调,自然比共军慢了不少。纵使国军有再多的战术奇谋,也无从实施。

对于国军各级军官来说,军队是自己的本钱,精锐打光了未必有人给补充,好武器用坏了没准会换成落后的。所以分兵的时候,无论是一个师还是一个连,都不愿意单独承担作战任务,都不愿意离开主力太远。结果,国军每次分兵都意味着漫长的扯皮,被分出去执行战术指令的部队无法做出任何威力侦查,会被任何有积极性的解放军小部队甚至游击队压缩向主力方向。

所以,国军一方面无法实施复杂战术,另一方面部队控制的范围极小,只在主力行军纵队前后几公里才能做到有效控制,把剩下的战场都扔给了来去自如的解放军。1948年6月,晋军“亲训师”居然会让徐向前的几个旅埋伏到几百米内无法发觉(徐向前元帅距敌不过2公里),排着整齐的密集队形走向解放军的数百挺机枪。徐向前用20世纪的武器打了一场冷兵器时代的伏击战,消灭7000“精锐”的代价几乎可以忽略不计。这说明晋系军队最精锐的师都派不出一个有主动作战积极性的侦察连,只能靠主力的目视侦查来控制战场。阎锡山输的不冤枉。

b 有基层才有资源

组织能力差异不仅仅体现于作战层面。在基层建设方面,国民党更是输了个干净。上千年来,皇权不下县,乡村是士绅土豪自治的空间。尽管三民主义也包括“平均地权”,但国民党从未实施过有效的农村改造,从未落实土改和减租。国民党的党部和县政府在大多数时间只能蹲在城里和士绅谈判,获取农村资源——或是翻脸命令军队抢劫、拉壮丁。但无论哪种方式,收集粮食和劳动力的能力都很低,都会在中间环节出现大量的贪污和浪费。

对40年代的共产党政权来说,土改和减租最大的实效不是激励农民志愿从军,而是借此掌握乡-村级政权,让高效的现代官僚管制延伸到农村。土改之前,收税(公粮)要让乡村士绅和县里的官吏层层过手,穷人承担的多,富人不但少交,还能赚粮食。共产党把干部派下乡,一个村一个村地搞土改,同时发动农民起来,把各级乡村政权和士绅大户清洗了一遍。土改结束后,共产党政权可以直接核算土地面积和产量,用远低于国统区的实际税率获取更多的粮食。

在征兵方面,国统区士绅买通官员把持拉壮丁业务,随意强迫贫民子弟当兵,借机敲诈中等人家,每次征兵都会带来巨大的动荡。共产党虽然也要在解放区征兵,但可以越过地主阶层直接清点役龄男子,名额分配公平,不会随意免除一部分人的服役义务。同时,共产党政权拨出税款补偿军属,要求未征兵家庭替军属耕地,从而大大降低了从军的成本。在未激起太多不满的情况下,共产党用全国1/4的人口为军队提供了可靠的兵源。

控制了基层政权,共产党就能掌握农村的剩余粮食和劳动力,野战军一时用不上的资源可以拿来建设民兵。民兵打不过正规军,跑不过土匪,但能让任何企图染指农村剩余粮食的集团不断的放血——无论是日本步兵中队,国民党保安团还是土匪。土匪要么逃到深山,在饥饿中逐渐散伙,要么被迫去攻打集镇,和正规军作战。无论哪一种结果,都意味着地方治安问题一劳永逸地解决。在共产党已经建立基层政权的地方,解放区即便丢给国民党,也不会为其所用。

四平战役失败后,林彪就任东北局书记,第一次讲话就要求全体干部“脱下皮鞋,放下皮包,换上衣服,离开大城市,下到农村去搞土改,消灭土匪建立根据地;不要像二流子一样在城市里晃来晃去;只有建立了根据地才能解决兵源、粮源、伤员的问题。”东北野战军乃至全国解放军的胜利,物质基础不是大炮和坦克,而在于党组织能够命令干部离开大城市去农村,用根据地建设抵消了精锐国民党军初期的的犀利进攻。

c 有团结才有战略

从高层组织水平来看,国民党的南京政权不过是军阀共主,实际上各行其是。晋系阎锡山恨蒋介石的程度不逊于怕共产党,白崇禧宁可看着共产党赢得淮海战役也不给杜聿明增兵,渡江战役之前,汤恩伯宁可坐视共产党轻松过江,也要放空西线,诱导解放军先去碾压桂系的湖北。内讧如此,再好的战略又如何执行呢?

反过来看共产党,45年一声令下增援东北,全国十几个解放区抽调精兵强将,让林彪这个多年不带兵的空头司令瞬间拥有最强大的部队;冯白驹带领琼崖解放军在孤岛上发展20多年,和来自东北的第四野战军约定共同作战,四野船队在海上耽搁了,琼崖纵队还是按时拼死出击,攻击有重武器的敌人,用生命换控制登陆场的时间,一直熬到四野偷渡部队上岸。无条件的团结因素才是共产党战略决策显得更“高明”的原因。

总的来说,用组织水平来解释国共战争的胜负的确很有说服力。第二层次的“土改说”和第三层次的“谋略说”都可以在这个结论下得到更清晰、更符合逻辑的阐述。目前大多数认真的研究者最后都走向了这个结论。

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