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习总日记(2016,2,2)
(接昨天)

转眼两年过去了,2004年9月,江泽民按约定卸任军委主席,胡锦涛如愿接任中央军委主席。胡迫不及待当天就兴高采烈找到江泽民,要求对方履行承诺,让他替代江泽民,成为党中央的核心,“以胡锦涛为核心的党中央”。
江泽民指指沙发示意他坐下,胡锦涛按奈激动心情静候特大喜讯。
江:锦涛同志,你可熟读党史。

胡:是啊,泽民同志,上次我已经向您报告了,党史么,不敢说倒背如流,但熟读二字按到锦涛头上,可谓名副其实。
江(坑又挖好):好。那么,请告诉我,毛主席成为党的领袖,历时几年?

胡:上次也回答过您了。从遵义会议算起,历时28年。
江:请问,邓小平同志被确立为党中央核心,前后多少年?

胡:从1978年十一届三中全会起,至1997年,前后共19年。
江:请问,为何毛主席作为党的领袖28年,为何邓小平同志成为党的领导核心19年?

胡:因为,因为,这个?不是吧,泽民同志,您不是想提醒我,至死方休?
江:终于醒悟了?还不算晚。我的第三代领导核心地位,由小平同志亲自决定确立,党中央政治局一致通过,任何人都无法改变。否定我的第三代核心地位,就是否定邓小平,否定党中央,就是叛党。怎么,胡锦涛同志,你想叛党吗?

胡:锦涛不敢。
江:从今天起,一律使用“以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央”的说法。你的继任者也一样。除非我死了,去见马克思,党中央再确立第四代领导核心。

于是“以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央”的说法,一直沿用到党的十八大。
2012年11月,我当上党的总书记后,专门找胡锦涛同志询问此事。胡锦涛把他们的谈话原封不动向我透露。所以我知道,找江泽民谈也没有用。要么等他死了,要么自己掌握党内绝对权力,否则不得不接受“以习近平为总书记的党中央”的说法。

三年过去了,江泽民还没死。他娘的哪要等到什么时候我才能成为党中央的核心?不行,我要主动进攻。我才不会像胡锦涛小媳妇那样去求他。于是我安排地方官员表态。他们说不敢啊习总,您不是要求我们一切谈话要与党中央口径保持一致。党中央没有提“以
习近平为核心的党中央”,我们怎么敢?我吓唬他们说,你就不怕我双规你?他们说宁可双规,也不敢与党中央不一致。与党中央口径不一致的言行,可是反党大罪。吃不消受不了。

于是找王岐山商量。

王岐山说,这事真的有点难。因为习总您自己三令五申要求下属不许妄议中央。党中央政治局没提“以习近平为核心的党中央”,你借一百个胆子给他们,他们也不敢啊。

于是找王沪宁商量。

王沪宁说,要不这样,不能一步到位咱分两步。
我问,怎么个两步法?

王沪宁说,咱先搞个半成品。譬如说“拥护以习近平为总书记的党中央”的同时,提出“拥护习近平党的核心地位”。咱提党的核心,不提党中央核心。

于是,在我的安排下,一些地方领导班子成员不约而同在地方会议上提出“习近平这个核心”的奇怪说法。
“习近平这个核心”见诸地方媒体后,我心中窃喜。打电话告诉王岐山这个好消息。没想到王岐山泼冷水。他说,你玩这猫腻没用。党中央政治局新华社中央台不提“习近平这个核心”,地方上喊破嗓子都没用。

“哪怎么办?”我焦急。
王岐山说:“下次政治局会议上我提提试试。反正政治局会议不通过,他刘云山就不可能指示中宣部,中宣部领导的新华社中央台就不可能提‘以习近平为核心的党中央’。新华社中央台不提,地方媒体也就不敢提。”
(未完待续)

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